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Resilience in the Face of Adversity

Shani Grinspan

Special thanks to my interviewee for sharing her story. 

Note: Names are changed in the following article for the safety and privacy of interviewed Tibetans. 

In the years 1949 and 1950, the Chinese invasion of Tibet sparked years of hardship for Tibetans. This led to the overthrow of the Tibetan Government, the suppression of religious practices and the destruction of religious symbols, and the exile of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama along with over 100,000 Tibetans in 1959 [1]. In Tibet, thousands of monasteries have been destroyed, and many monks and nuns are prohibited from practicing Tibetan Buddhism without the government’s supervision [1]. Although the Chinese government signed the Convention Against Torture Act in 1986, they have repeatedly violated human rights [2]. 1.2 million Tibetans have been killed, and countless have been imprisoned and tortured for resisting Chinese rule and exercising their human rights [3]. Activities such as peaceful protests calling for a free Tibet and respect for human rights, putting up photographs of the Dalai Lama, singing Tibetan patriotic songs, or attempting to flee Tibet without permission from the Chinese government are grounds for arrest. Tibetans that have been imprisoned have described a number of methods of torture that they have endured. These include beatings, electric shock, sexual assault, starvation, solitary confinement, and other degrading acts [4]. 

The violation of human rights by the Chinese government is recognized worldwide. In 1991, the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities passed a “Situation in Tibet” Resolution, stating concern for “violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms that threaten the distinct cultural, religious and national identity of the Tibetan people” [5]. Despite the repeated violations imposed upon Tibetans, many studies have found low prevalence of psychological distress following these traumatic events. In comparison to other Asian refugee populations, the Tibetan population are found to have the fewest symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) [6]. Tibetans in exile, specifically torture survivors, seem resilient to the traumatic experiences that have resulted from China’s invasion of Tibet. There are several cultural and religious factors that play a role in this resilience, but many cross-cultural studies may not accurately measure the level of psychological effects that Tibetans refugees undergo.

Two studies conducted on the Tibetan refugee population in Dharamsala, India found no significant difference in rates of depression and somatization between torture survivors and other refugees [7] [8]. In a study done by Sachs, Rosenfeld, Lhewa, Rasmussen, and Keller (2008) on Tibetan refugees that had recently arrived to Dharamsala, symptoms of PTSD and depression were increased across categories of trauma exposure [4]. These categories range from low level of trauma (e.g., attempting to escape Tibet or being restricted from practicing Tibetan religion), other potentially traumatic experiences (e.g., having family members who were tortured, killed, or imprisoned for political reasons, direct experience of religious persecution, or experiencing maltreatment that is not defined as torture by the UN), or torture as defined by the UN. However, the prevalence of psychological distress was relatively low, even among torture survivors. Some reasons why prevalence is low for Tibetan refugees may be due to the exclusion of the resettlement process. The participants in the study may have been experiencing a state of relief and anticipation for or gratitude from meeting His Holiness the Dalai Lama [4]. A follow-up study should be conducted in order to investigate the long-term  influence of the hardships of refugee life on psychological distress. Furthermore, the participants, including torture survivors, made social comparisons in which they rated their experience as less severe than other Tibetans. This subjective appraisal, through comparison, may play a role in the low levels of psychological distress. In an interview with Tsewang, a Tibetan who was imprisoned for attempting to escape Tibet. She noted that her experience was not as bad as other Tibetans and she feels grateful and lucky for being where she is now [9]. She holds a similar subjective appraisal as the participants in the study, which helps her maintain a positive mindset. 

Tibetans in exile may hold other subjective opinions on traumatic events. Studies have shown that Tibetans ranked religious persecution or destruction of religious symbols as the most traumatic experiences one can go through [1] [10]. These events differ from what other cultures may define as traumatic, and may cause more psychological distress to Tibetan refugees than other events. This may explain the low association between other traumatic events and psychological distress or symptoms of PTSD. In addition, Sachs et al. (2008) placed religious persecution in categories of less traumatic events, which contradicts the point of view Tibetans have on severity of these particular events [4]. This may provide inaccurate results in the study.   

When conducting cross-cultural research, one must consider cultural sensitivity. The Tibetan population may not define or experience distress in the same manner as Westerners. Some studies have found that Asian populations tend to display psychological distress more somatically than Westerners [11] [12]. Somatic symptoms are symptoms related to the body. In a study conducted by Maaike, Margaret, and Rolf (2001), Tibetan refugees scored highest on items related to emotional distress that were somatically phrased [10]. This may explain the low prevalence of symptoms reported by participants in studies that fail to consider somatic effects. 

Although the methods of cross-cultural studies may provide one explanation for the low prevalence of psychological distress in Tibetan refugees and torture survivors, many cultural and religious factors play a major role in the resilience of Tibetans in exile. Hussain and Bhushan (2011) found that Tibetans who have experienced traumatic events have low levels of psychological distress, and religious coping strategies appear as mediators for the psychological effects of trauma. These include the devotion and faith in the Dalai Lama, understanding of Buddhist philosophy and the law of karma, community bonding and support, and historical models that promote strength [13]. The Dalai Lama serves as a  spiritual and protective leader of Tibetan refugees. Tibetans believe that His Holiness is a reincarnation of the Buddha of Compassion and he is seen as a symbol of hope for Tibetans in exile. He also plays a large role in the cohesiveness and thrift of the Tibetan community. His Holiness has helped build a multitude of institutions and organizations that work to preserve Tibetan culture, traditions, and religion. These include the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts to preserve a variety of Tibetan arts, the Tibetan Children’s Village which provides education for destitute Tibetan children, the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies which is a university for Tibetans, and the Central Tibetan Administration which is the Tibetan government in exile. 

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Tibetan students performing a traditional Tibetan dance at Sarah College, College for Higher Tibetan Studies.

Many Tibetans report that the reasons they escape Tibet is to meet the Dalai Lama or to seek education that they cannot receive in Tibet [4]. Tsewang stated that her motivations to leave Tibet were to receive education about Tibetan history, culture, language, and philosophy. She also mentioned that she longed to meet the Dalai Lama [9]. These reasons are based on gaining opportunities, not escaping losses. This mindset may help Tibetans cultivate positivity for leaving Tibet. 

 

Buddhist philosophy is very deeply integrated in Tibetan culture, history, and identity. It provides an understanding of ways to overcome difficulties in life and maintain peace of mind. This helps Tibetans in exile form healthy lifestyles, such as doing good actions and reciting mantras to purify the mind. In addition, the law of karma in Buddhist philosophy helps build acceptance for and resilience to the consequences and adversities in one’s life. The law of karma states that if you do good action you will receive good consequences, and if you do bad actions you will receive bad consequences [14]. Therefore, Tibetans believe that they are suffering because of bad actions they have committed in their past lives, and if they commit good actions they will reincarnate into realms where one experiences less suffering. One participant in Hussain et al.’s study, investigating coping strategies that Tibetan refugees use, noted, “I will accept whatever happens in my life as a result of my past karmas” [13].

 

Family and the refugee community are sources of support, hope, and feelings of belongingness for Tibetans in exile. Another participant stated, “Even though India is not our country, in our settlements we feel as if we are living in Tibet. Here we feel at home. We have created a small Tibet here. In our community, I always find someone when I need help. We share with each other our happiness and sorrows.” [13]. 

The Tibetan people have a strong traditional and religious heritage. They promote healthy coping strategies and provide resources in the face of adversity which foster resilience in the Tibetan community in exile in Dharamsala. Although Tibetans exhibit resilience during their lives in exile, this does not diminish the presence of psychological distress following traumatic events. Some studies have shown that torture survivors do develop symptoms of PTSD and anxiety following traumatic experiences [15] [8]. A systematic review done by Mills, Singh, Holtz, Chase, Dolma, Santa Barbara, and Orbinski (2005) demonstrates a high prevalence of mental illness among Tibetan refugees reporting torture [16]. Tibetans in exile may not define mental health in the same way Western culture does, and they may work through it differently. In addition, the cross-cultural studies on Tibetan refugees should consider factors such as cultural meaning and experience of symptoms, the effects of refugee life and adjustment on mental health, and what events Tibetan refugees define and rank as traumatic. Furthermore, the studies mentioned may incite generalizations of the levels of psychological distress and effects of coping strategies among Tibetan refugees and torture survivors. It would be biased to assume that religious coping strategies positively impact all Tibetans and that there is low prevalence of psychological distress among all Tibetan refugees. Overall, although there is a presence of psychological effects of trauma, many Tibetans in exile in Dharamsala, India have proven to foster resilience in the face of adversity and have created a successful community where they continue to thrive.

References

 

[1] “Early History | The Invasion of Tibet | Present Situation.” LEARN A LITTLE ABOUT TIBET. Web. 25 Nov. 2019. 

 

[2] Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, G.A. res. 39/46, [annex, 39U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 51) at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1984)], entered into force June 26, 1987.

 

[3] “Tibet Under China.” Tibet Under China | Friends of Tibet (INDIA) Data-Base. Web. 25. Nov. 2019. 

 

[4] Sachs, Emily, Barry Rosenfeld, Dechen Lhewa, Andrew Rasmussen, and Allen Keller. "Entering exile: Trauma, mental health, and coping among Tibetan refugees arriving in Dharamsala, India." Journal of Traumatic Stress: Official Publication of The International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies 21, no. 2 (2008): 199-208. 

 

[5] “European Parliament Resolution on the Situation in Tibet .” The Avalon Project. Web. 25 Nov. 2019.

 

[6] Keller, Allen, Dechen Lhewa, Barry Rosenfeld, Emily Sachs, Asher Aladjem, Ilene Cohen, Hawthorne Smith, and Katherine Porterfield. "Traumatic experiences and psychological distress in an urban refugee population seeking treatment services." The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 194, no. 3 (2006): 188-194.

 

[7] Crescenzi, Antonella, Eva Ketzer, Mark Van Ommeren, Kalsang Phuntsok, Ivan Komproe, and Joop TVM de Jong. "Effect of political imprisonment and trauma history on recent Tibetan refugees in India." Journal of Traumatic Stress: Official Publication of The International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies 15, no. 5 (2002): 369-375.

 

[8] Holtz, Timothy H. "Refugee trauma versus torture trauma: a retrospective controlled cohort study of Tibetan refugees." The journal of nervous and mental disease 186, no. 1 (1998): 24-34.

 

[9] Tsewang (Sarah College of Higher Tibetan Studies Graduate) Personal Interview. 23 Nov. 2019. 

 

[10] Terheggen, Maaike A., Margaret S. Stroebe, and Rolf J. Kleber. "Western conceptualizations and Eastern experience: A cross-cultural study of traumatic stress reactions among Tibetan refugees in India." Journal of Traumatic Stress 14, no. 2 (2001): 391-403.

 

[11] Kinzie, J. David, James K. Boehnlein, Paul K. Leung, Laurie J. Moore, Crystal Riley, and Debra Smith. "The prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder and its clinical significance among Southeast Asian refugees." The American Journal of Psychiatry (1990).

 

[12] Mollica, Richard F., Grace Wyshak, Daphne de Marneffe, Franlinette Khuon, and James Lavelle. "Indochinese versions of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25: a screening instrument for the psychiatric care of refugees." The American journal of psychiatry (1987).

 

[13] Hussain, Dilwar, and Braj Bhushan. "Cultural factors promoting coping among Tibetan refugees: A qualitative investigation." Mental Health, Religion & Culture 14, no. 6 (2011): 575-587.

 

[14] Hurst, Katherine, and Katherine Hurst. “Cause And Effect Meaning: The 12 Laws Of Karma List.” The Law Of Attraction. Web. 26 Nov. 2019. 

 

[15] “New PHR Publication: Striking Hard: Torture in Tibet,” April 2000. 

 

[16] Mills, Edward J., Sonal Singh, Timothy H. Holtz, Robert M. Chase, Sonam Dolma, Joanna Santa-Barbara, and James J. Orbinski. "Prevalence of mental disorders and torture among Tibetan refugees: A systematic review." BMC international health and human rights 5, no. 1 (2005): 7.

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